Reasons to avoid calling Omar Mateen a “Radical Islamic terrorist”

Yes Omar Mateen was Muslim. Yes he was a terrorist who was radicalized. But was he part of an ideological cause that he was acting in support of by committing this massacre in Orlando? If he was indeed a “lone wolf” as Clinton and other law enforcement officers have called him, did he have a specific wolf pack that he had pledged allegiance to but was acting independently from? So far, evidence suggests that he was not. The evidence that does exist points only to confusion and mystery. Therefore the only official, historical explanation that his heinous act will receive will be the one give to it. We need to be very careful in crafting that explanation.

When I started teaching in 2005, my school had a few Bloods and maybe a Crip or two in the student body. The school and neighborhood had just come out of a negotiated gang truce that got the two sides to agree not to operate near the school. There was not that many actual gang members in the school, but many more students flashed gang signs, scrawled gang logos on their notebooks, and wore the colors. They were not in the gang, but they used the label as a means of bestowing authority on themselves. If some of these pseudo-factions of fifteen-year-old wannabe gang members started a brawl in the cafeteria, the last thing school administrators would want to do is declare that the Bloods and the Crips had a gang war during second lunch. First, it would be inaccurate. Second, it would make whoever started that fight appear more powerful than they actually were, which would entice other students to follow them or emulate them. It would bestow legitimacy to criminals and thugs who are hungry for it, and who need it to to fuel their propaganda.

Mateen was no more a member of ISIS than my students were members of a gang. Like them, he was a poser. And one who hadn’t even done his homework, apparently claiming allegiance at one point to Hezbollah, at another point to Al Qaeda, and finally to ISIS–all of which are mortal enemies of the other. Like most of his fellow Americans, he probably was not even that clear on the difference between Shia and Sunni. To grant him a posthumous battlefield commission to ISIS foot soldier is a) misleading and inaccurate, b) aiding and abetting actual ISIS foot soldiers and their followers, and c) more than that sick fucker deserves, almost like granting his last request.

It is also unclear how much religious ideology motivated Mateen to commit these murders. It seems just as likely he was driven by an unhinged, violent personality, or by extreme homophobia, or by the bipolar disorder his estranged wife claims he had, than by radical Islamic beliefs.

According to a survivor, Patience Carter, who was in the bathroom of Pulse with Mateen, he told them that he was doing this to stop the bombing of his country, and that he would not kill the remaining African Americans because they had suffered enough in their own history. What country was he talking about, since he was from Florida? The supposed ISIS Caliphate? Afghanistan, where is parents are from, but ISIS is not? And why did he think killing predominantly hispanic-American gays–and some African-Americans, until he decided not to–was the best way to stop said bombing?

There will not be answers to these questions. So why should authorities categorically label his motivations–which in this case are probably unknowable–as one thing or the other? To drape his body in the shroud of radical Islam elevates his act to something that it may not have been; gives a battlefield ‘win’ to actual terrorists even though the massacre had nothing to do with their fight; and throws free propaganda into the social media cesspool from which unhinged people like Mateen draw so much rage and hate.

This massacre, like most  recent massacres–be they “mass shootings” or “radical Islamic terrorism” or “extreme Christian Nationalist terrorism”–does not have a simple, clear explanation. Even when more facts become known, the crime is not likely to make much sense, mainly because the killer did not make much sense. It is understandable to want to grab for an explanation that will help make sense of it, but sometimes that comfort is illusory.

People who argue that we should more widely apply the label of radical Islam to people and groups presumably believe that doing so will help us fight terrorism more effectively. Without getting into that general debate, what would labeling Mateen an Islamic fundamentalist help us accomplish? Would it adjust our potential-terrorist profile to catch future versions of him? He was already profiled and investigated extensively by the FBI. If it turns out that law enforcement missed something because they were not looking for some special Islamic fundamentalist sign–whatever those could be–then it may make sense to use the term more. We’ll see.

Whatever the benefits, they need to be balanced against costs of doing so: elevating incoherent ravings to a coherent ideology; helping to make him a martyr to a cause that he was not actually part of; giving credence to opportunistic terrorists’ claims of credit for the attack; providing a powerful propaganda tool to terrorists. Those costs do not even broach the wider costs of taking the argument one step further, as Trump has done: making not just other terrorists complicit in this attack–which they are not–but all Muslims; driving a wedge between local American Muslim communities and law enforcement; fueling the false equivalency between the West and the “civilization” of the terrorists. What would doing that accomplish that would actually be effective against the real terrorist threat?

 

Democrats Should Support GOP Attempts to Steal Trump Nomination

Over at The New York Times, my favorite conservative columnist is beginning to build the case that the Republican Party should prepare to steal the nomination from Trump if he goes into the convention with the most delegates.

He writes that one of the roadblocks to this unprecedented move will be “from the officially neutral press, where there will be much brow-furrowed concern over the perils of party resistance to Trump’s progress, the ‘bad optics’ of denying him the nomination if he arrives at the convention with the most delegates, the backlash sure to come if his uprising is somehow, well, trumped by the party apparatus.”

He does not mention that the Democrats will no doubt make much hay out of the fact that the replacement nominee–be it Cruz, or Paul Ryan, or Mitt Romney–is not the legitimate heir of the party’s nomination process. It’s easy to imagine Democrats going so far as to argue that they should *almost* win the presidency by default.

The principled response is for the Democrats to say openly: Trump is so extreme, we officially support the GOP’s maneuvers to remove him, like a boil, from the body politic.

The thing is, from the standpoint of a political tactic, Democrats don’t need say anything more. It will be painfully obvious that the GOP will not enter the November election as a united front. The Cruz/Ryan/Romney nominee won’t need to hear from Democrats that he is illegitimate; he will hear it from Trump himself, who will hardly crawl under a rock, but fight this out on cable TV to the bitter end like only he knows how to do. And that’s if he doesn’t run as a third party candidate.

This is going to be a hard-to-resist temptation for the Democrats. Conservative radio host Micahel Medved recently wrote: “Trump is the living, breathing, bellowing personification of all the nasty characteristics Democrats routinely ascribe to Republicans.” By which he probably means: racist, sexist pig who is giving shrieking voice to the final throes of white male political and cultural dominance. Or as Thomas Friedman calls it: the #middleagewhitemalesmatter movement. For your opposing political party to nominate your own caricature of them to the highest position of their party leadership is the definition of winning. The possibility of this big win must be blinding to some Democrats, even though a Trump nomination would be bad for the country, especially for communities of color.

The Dems need to be on the right side of history, not the right side of the political argument. They need to say to the GOP: we are going to beat you fair and square in November, but until then we are united with you against all that Trump represents. Do what you have to do, and we won’t attack you for it. It would be a sign that our leaders are ready to work together, that we are ready to try to bring the country together. We’ve seen the alternative… and it cannot stand:   Trump Rally

Trump and the Siren Lure of Democratic Bragging Rights

Even the most humble, pure-of-heart and chaste Democrat cannot help but be a little giddy at the prospect of the Republican Party actually nominating Donald Trump. The weaker spirits among us are no doubt salivating in the hope that it happens. These are the natural feelings evoked by political combat when one’s opponent shoots himself in the foot, then the shin, then the elbow, then the eyeball, and so on. It is understandable to feel a little giddy, but instead of acting on these feelings, Democrats should begin to put them in the box with other inappropriate and unproductive emotions. Republican Nominee Donald Trump would not just be bad for the Republican Party. His nomination would also poison the entire political system for years after he has left the stage, if in fact he ever leaves the stage after earning that particular title. This will be bad for the country because it will make governing harder whoever wins elections. Democrats need to be more vocal about placing the good of the country over partisan bragging rights.

There is huge appeal in having those bragging rights. For the moment, let’s consider it a given that a Trump nomination would mean the Democrats win the White House and the Senate. There would be other major benefits.

One is that a Trump nomination would burnish Obama’s legacy. And I am not referring to conservative attempts,some sort-of persuasive and others less so, to saddle Obama with responsibility for Trump’s rise (of course, if Trump wins the presidency, that will be some indelible tar on Obama’s legacy). No, I am referring to the debate around how much Obama is to blame for the epic level of Washington disfunction he has presided over during his two terms. The Republican case is that Obama’s arrogance, aloofness, inexperience, lack of true bipartisan creativity, and extreme positions made it impossible for the Republicans to work with him. The Democrats claim that Obama bent over backwards–and foolishly so–to work across the aisle, but the Republicans were too extreme, too gerrymandered, too beholden to right-wing media, too stubborn and obstructionist for any “common sense, bipartisan” deals to be made.

Aside: I happen to believe that the Democrats have the stronger case on this one. In late 2008/early 2009, the GOP leaders in Congress made a tactical decision to oppose the president at every step, with both short term and long term goals in mind. In the short term, it would keep Republicans from giving their imprimatur to center-left policies and perhaps stopping those policies from becoming laws. At the very least, they could muddy  the waters so Obama’s initiatives would not become broadly popular. For the long term, they chose obstruction to rob Obama of the title of “transformational president” that he so desperately sought. It’s hard to remember this now at the end of the Obama era, but at the start of it there was a real sense of possibility, eliciting elation or terror depending on your party affiliation, that Obama’s face would end up on money one day. You can’t be a transformational president if the opposition cements the perspective that you only speak for half or less of the country.

It is worth noting that this debate rankles Democrats more than any other partisan tit-for-tat, as evident by the president himself giving entire speeches on the subject. It is one of those partisan debates that will never really be won by either side, where we just have to agree to disagree–like whether Reagan won the Cold War, or wether Clinton was responsible for 90’s prosperity, or whether Bush willfully cherry picked intelligence to manipulate the country into supporting the Iraq war. In these kinds of arguments, we can only feel the secure (smug?) sense of having won them by deploying a debate-ending talking point, by possessing the better mic-drop, smack-down slogan. For this particular debate, it would go like this:

Republican: Obama failed to deliver on his number one promise of bringing the country together; instead, he tore it apart.

Democrat: Obama tried desperately, but never had a chance. The party that nominated Donald Trump was never going to work with him.

A Trump nomination will hand the democrats the same argument the Israelis have used against the Palestinians: We wanted a peace process, but we never had a partner to negotiate with. When historians evaluate the Obama years, a Trump nomination would tip the scales in favor of the Democratic side of this debate.

Beyond this one issue, Nominee Trump would become a cudgel the Democrats would swing for years to come, their ultimate trump card (pun un… avoidable). When Republicans finally come around to proposing a specific replacement for Obamacare, Democrats will respond with,”But what about that time you nominated Trump?” When the GOP figures out policies that are geared to make successful outreach to minority communities… “But… Trump!” On and on, the Democrats will never let the Republicans forget that they nominated Trump.

Which is why I see peril for Democrats if Trump is nominated. It will foster bad habits in them, discourage a cooperative spirit even as Republicans will be emerging from this dark period ready to cooperate.

Trump’s nomination would prolong the healing that needs to happen inside the Republican Party. Democrats might not give a fig how long it takes for that healing to happen, but they should. A Trump nomination might mean Democrats keep “winning,” but what good is winning if you can’t govern afterward? Our federal system, and our pluralistic sprit, requires both sides to negotiate and compromise. Our system cannot function unless there are two healthy political parties giving voice to their respective slices of American life. The sooner the GOP is stable again, the sooner both parties abandon the idea of absolute domination over the other, the sooner we will begin to come together as a nation and solve the big problems on the horizon that will not be solved any other way. Maybe then we will be worthy of having a truly transformational president who speaks to and for most of us. And Congress… Congress will always suck, as the Founders intended.